From a long-discussed idea to rapidly climbing the political agenda of Europe’s governments: a common European defence policy. But beyond military coordination lies an even bigger question: Can more cooperation on security also contribute to a stronger sense of European identity? As member states navigate shared challenges, the question is whether joint responsibility in defence might also shape how Europeans see themselves – and each other.
What does European identity mean?
European identity can be seen as a sense of belonging shaped by shared values, history and culture, while coexisting with strong national identities. It means that people in different member states feel connected not only to their own country, but also to common European values such as peace, democracy, human rights and cooperation. It is not a fixed identity, but develops over time through institutions, shared policies and common values.
Why is European defence back on the agenda?
In the last few years, the idea of a common European defence has become more widely discussed and increasingly connected to questions of European identity. After the Second World War, European security became closely tied to NATO and the United States. After the Cold War, many European countries reduced their defence efforts and relied more on external protection, allowing the EU to focus mainly on cooperation, peace and economic development rather than military power. However, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine showed Europe that war close to its borders is still possible and the EU may not be fully prepared to deal with it on its own. At the same time, there is a growing uncertainty about future U.S. support for European security, as Trump threatens to leave NATO. This brings many European leaders to question alliances and call for greater European independence and preparation.
„A European army would differ from NATO in its legal basis, political purpose and command structure. [...] A potential European army under the European Union would be politically controlled by EU institutions and shaped by national sovereignty considerations.“
- states Vincent Gehrmann, an expert in European foreign security and defence policy at the Institute for Security Policy at the University of Kiel.
On 19 March 2025, the European Commission published the White Paper for European Defence – Readiness 2030. The document can be summarised as a plan to make Europe ready to defend itself by 2030. It proposes several changes, including a major increase in defence spending; around €800 billion over the coming years. The Commission describes this as a “once in a generation” effort to rebuild European military capacity. It encourages countries to work together more closely, especially through joint procurement and shared projects. The idea is that acting together is more efficient than acting alone. The goal is to become more “strategically autonomous”, meaning less dependent on others for security. However, it is not only about military strength; it also shows a deeper change in how the EU sees itself.
Ambitions vs. Realities
The European Union was, and still is, a peace project. Yet it is starting to think of itself as a global actor that should be able to protect its own interests – not by replacing NATO, but by working alongside it. The White Paper also promotes less fragmentation between member states. However, the reality is more complex than it seems as the European Union is composed of 27 member states. As Gehrmann puts it: “[T]he security focus of northern countries on the Baltic Sea differs from the strategic priorities of Italy, France and Greece, which could make common doctrine and tasking more difficult.”
But can a common defence policy even foster a European identity?
According to Gehrmann, the answer is both simple and difficult. Yes, “a common defence policy can contribute to a stronger sense of European identity.” This perspective is also reflected in the debate on reintroducing conscription, which is a policy highly discussed in many European countries at the moment. As Gehrmann says, “beyond military readiness, conscription also plays a societal role by strengthening civic responsibility and fostering a shared sense of identity and resilience.” Therefore, by directly involving citizens into the responsibilities of defence through conscription and an open dialogue, defence policy can contribute not only to security, but also to a stronger sense of belonging.
However, a common defence policy cannot exist alone, as Alain Berset, President of the Council of Europe, argues in the EUobserver. He argues that strengthening defence without strengthening democracy could have the opposite effect, alienating people from their institutions. The article argues that democratic control of military power becomes more fragile when democratic freedoms and civic spaces are weakened. For example, in Italy, this debate came up during the “No Kings” protest in Rome, where MEP Ilaria Salis reported being subject to a police check before the demonstration.
As Berset points out, if democratic institutions weaken, a more militarised Europe might not unite citizens, but instead create fear and division. If people do not trust institutions, it is difficult for them to feel part of a shared identity. In this sense, European identity is not built only through security cooperation, but also through the protection of democratic values.
United by Defence?
This is where the EU still shows weakness in how it works and makes decisions. Even if member states want to act together on security and defence, EU decision-making is often slow and divided, creating tension between unity and political differences.
In theory, a common European defence may present itself as an easy way to strengthen unity. In practice, it is much more complex. Military integration alone is not enough to create a shared European identity, especially when political outcomes are strongly contested and there is widespread disagreement among citizens. In this context, it becomes difficult to find common ground and balance. This is why, even if a common defence is necessary, it must go together with strengthening the EU’s democratic dimension.
Without this, disagreement can fuel further polarisation, the rise of far-right movements, and a return to nationalism, all of which can become a serious risk for European unity. For this reason, responsibility does not only lie within the EU institutions, but also within civil society, NGOs, the media and citizens themselves. Cooperation across these levels is essential to strengthen democracy, build a real sense of belonging and emotional connections, helping to develop a shared European identity.




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