This Article is published in the context of JEF Europe’s Democracy Under Pressure (DUP) Action Week
On February 5, Mamuka Mdinaradze, the Executive Secretary of the ruling “Georgian Dream” party, announced a series of legislative changes aimed at tightening existing laws. This move comes as protests in Georgia have continued for over 75 days, with citizens gathering nightly in front of the parliament to demand new elections and the release of political prisoners.
The protests began on November 28, after Irakli Kobakhidze, Georgia’s Prime Minister, declared that the “Georgian Dream” government would halt negotiations with the European Union until 2028. Tensions had already been rising following the Parliamentary Elections on October 26, 2024, which many deemed illegitimate. The current government and parliament lack both national and international legitimacy, yet they continue to push through legislative changes aimed at silencing dissent.
Government Tactics to Suppress Protests
The “Georgian Dream” government has used various tactics to suppress the protests, including: arbitrary detention of protest participants, allegations of torture against arrested citizens, excessive use of tear gas, water cannons, and pepper spray, mass fines and the dismissal of public servants associated with the demonstrations. Despite these measures, the protests have persisted. For over 75 days, Georgians have blocked Rustaveli Avenue, demonstrating their firm resistance.
In a statement, Mdinaradze accused the protesters of being “foreign-trained agents”attempting to destabilise the country. He claimed, “This group, backed by external forces, is deliberately working to sow chaos and undermine our nation’s stability. To address this anomaly, we are introducing legislative changes to replace ineffective laws with norms that empower the democratically elected government to govern effectively and maintain order.”
The proposed changes include: criminalising criticism of public officials - verbal abuse of public officials or political figures will now be classified as an administrative offence, punishable by heavy fines;
Harsher penalties for incitement to violence - public calls for violence, previously punishable by fines or community service, will now carry prison sentences of up to three years. This includes social media posts, such as sharing protest announcements. Police have already raided the homes of admins from the Facebook group “Daitove”, fining them for “organizing” protests. Civil society views these actions as intimidation tactics.
Increased sentences for resisting police - resisting, threatening, or using violence against police officers will now be treated as a serious crime, with sentences increasing from 5 to 6 years. Stricter penalties for harming police officers - attacks or threats against police officers, political officials, state employees, or public servants will face harsher penalties under the new rules. They have also extended administrative detention the maximum period from 15 to 60 days.
In addition, amendments have been made to the legislation governing assemblies and demonstrations. At the legislative level, the concept of a “spontaneous assembly” has been introduced and defined as “a gathering or demonstration that occurs without prior planning, immediately in response to a significant public event, and which could not have been foreseen in advance.” Previously, the law did not distinguish between spontaneous and pre-planned assemblies.
Under the new regulations, the “organizer” of a demonstration is now required to notify the municipality at least five days in advance of a planned event.
The “Georgian Dream”-led parliament had already amended the Law on Assemblies and Demonstrations in December 2024, which, among other provisions, banned the use of pyrotechnics, masks, and laser devices during protests. Additionally, the law prohibits holding demonstrations in enclosed spaces or buildings without the written consent of the property owner.
On February 6, Mikheil Kavelashvili, Georgia’s controversial President, agreed to adopt these amendments.
Mdinaradze also announced plans to introduce a new media law based on the British model. The law will establish standards for media objectivity and journalistic ethics, create mechanisms to monitor and enforce these standards, and restrict foreign funding for media outlets, though commercial advertising revenue will remain unaffected.
These changes reflect the government’s efforts to impose stricter controls on public gatherings, raising concerns about their potential impact on freedom of assembly and expression. Protestors believe that such measures could be used to suppress dissent, while proponents claim they are necessary to maintain public order and safety.
A government consistently focused on identifying the so-called “organizers” of protests. The government has been claiming that protestors are being paid to go to demonstrations. However, the reality is that the demonstrations in Georgia are largely grassroots and self-organized. These protests lack the involvement of opposition politicians, political podiums, or calls to action from public figures. This decentralized nature makes it challenging for the government to suppress the movement and bring it to an end.
Over the past two months, there have been numerous reports of citizens being unlawfully detained, assaulted, and unjustly fined, alongside concerns about a judiciary system perceived as biased.
The government’s approach appears aimed at regulating dissent through stricter laws and restrictions on freedom of speech and assembly. Despite these measures, the protests have persisted. Every evening, individuals gather in front of the parliament, demonstrating against what they view as the institutionalization of injustice. Their continued presence highlights the ongoing tension between the government and those advocating for change.
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