On one hand, we have official state ceremonies, and on the other, the Independence March (Marsz Niepodległości), organised by circles in which fascists, racists, and nationalists traditionally march. This phenomenon perfectly embodies the toxic model of turbopatriotism, which, instead of uniting, is based on exclusion, domination, and xenophobia. And this topic, so relevant now for Poland, is also current on an international scale.
The Core Problem: Patriotism Sidelined by Falsification of History
The Polish public debate and visual representation of patriotism have been dominated by conservative and nationalist groups, which has resulted in progressive, civic patriotism being effectively sidelined. This is precisely the core of the problem. Meanwhile, as the historian Andrzej Friszke wrote, it must be firmly emphasised that “The currently popular identification of the left, or socialism, with communism and the practical form of its realisation is a falsification of history” and thus the left is being robbed of its rightful place in the history of Polish independence.
Patriotism’s True Nature
The core fact often lost in the clamor of ideological disputes is that patriotism is, by definition, neither right-wing nor left-wing. It is an emotional and ethical stance, defined as love and dedication to one’s own homeland. The problem arises when political doctrines impose their interpretation on it. The Right traditionally seeks to link patriotism with nationalism and ethnic exclusivity. The Left historically tied patriotism to solidarity and social progress. Today’s dominance of the right-wing perspective means that patriotism is reduced to symbols and confrontation, while its progressive dimension—building a just community—remains in the shadows.
Erasing History
The battle over who holds the exclusive right to love the homeland is a constant one in the Polish public debate. However, this is a historical distortion of memory, systematically erasing the fact that it was the independence-seeking left that laid the fundamental foundations of the sovereign state in 1918. Poles, raised and continually educated on a right-wing vision of history, often forget this progressive heritage. Just a few days after regaining independence, reforms crucial for a modern democratic state were introduced by cabinets with a strong socialist character. The socialist Ignacy Daszyński led the first People’s Government, and his successor, also a socialist, Jędrzej Moraczewski, implemented changes that permanently became part of the canon of civil rights. It was the socialists who introduced universal suffrage for independent Poland, guaranteeing it to women as well—a revolutionary step in contemporary Europe. They established the 8-hour workday and guaranteed the legality of trade unions and the right to strike. Left-wing patriotism was then inextricably linked with social justice. It did not focus on empty gestures, but on building a cooperative Polish Republic founded on the principle of equality and brotherhood. Therefore, this legacy, and perhaps simply historical responsibility, dictates that today’s left (the left with a lowercase “l,” not to be confused with the “Lewica” party in the Polish parliament) has the duty to debunk and set history straight, reminding people that it was not nationalism, but socio-patriotism, that gave Poland the foundations of a modern state.
The Independence March
The Independence March has become the most visible symbol of this ideological battle. Although almost a quarter of surveyed Poles describe its participants as “patriots”, there is simultaneously a widespread awareness of its non-uniform, often toxic character. Survey respondents frequently see “two groups” in the march: those who go out of a sense of remembrance, and those who want to create “riots and disturbances”. Poles, observing the dynamics of these events for years, directly point to the division: “Two groups – one peaceful, the other fanatical (nationalists)”. Among the negative descriptors, the following are explicitly mentioned: “troublemakers” (34 indications), “nationalists” (23 indications), “fascists” (11 indications), and “Nazis” (8 indications).
This is precisely the nature of turbopatriotism: it is by nature exclusive and elitist, its task is to stigmatize opponents and exclude from the nation those who do not fit the ethnic, conservative model. This is directly linked to the fact that nationalism is based on the patriarchal trinity: people, family, and homeland. The woman is primarily intended to fulfill a reproductive role and be responsible for cultivating national traditions (by giving birth to new citizens). Ultimately, nationalism reinforces unequal power relations, in which men occupy the majority of decision-making positions.
The Global Battlefront: Eco-Fascism and the Militarization of Borders
Poland is not an exception in this battle for the definition of patriotism. Worldwide, right-wing populists and the far right are consistently taking over national language and symbols to reinforce their exclusive, ethnic vision of community. In the United States and Great Britain, right-wing and populist parties effectively use national symbolism to portray their opponents as “anti-national” and detached from “the people.”
In Western Europe, the far right has moved into advanced forms of appropriation, for example, by creating movements that merge extremist nationalism with ecology—a traditionally progressive idea. Currents promoting so-called “green supremacy” are emerging, which, under the banner of environmental protection, defend “soil and blood,” toxically combining love for the homeland with xenophobia and racism. Eco-fascism creates a twisted and corrupted view of environmentalism, where authoritarianism, nationalism, and racial purity become primary tools and solutions. Such eco-fascists often focus on demographic arguments (e.g., fear of climate migration), ignoring that the problem is primarily overconsumption and mismanagement of resources and extreme inequalities. Instead of funding climate mitigation in the Global South, wealthy nations today support “Fortress Europe” policies that build walls and militarize borders. The emphasis on border fortification and military spending diverts resources away from addressing the root causes of climate migration.
Forging a Counter-Narrative: Progressive Patriotism
In the face of such a strong dominance of the right-wing narrative, Polish progressive patriotism (or softpatriotism) must become an active counter-narrative. This vision is based on a foundation accepted by the majority of society. Polish progressive patriotism is primarily solidarity, which ennobles the love of the Fatherland. It is a fight for social justice that is seen as caring for the nation. It is civic inclusiveness, which demands respect for everyone’s right to celebrate “in their own way”. The left redefines identity as constructivist and variable, created through dialogue and the free choice of the individual. In this spirit, the left promotes progressive demands such as the fight for strengthening the secular state (the Church as the “brake” on modern change), the liberalization of abortion law and equality for sexual minorities (the LGBTQ+ issue became key). At the same time, the left views European integration as a natural process that should lead to the creation of a strong European identity, which over time will simply constitute our national identity in parallel.
The reclaiming of the flag and patriotism from the hands of nationalists is today a crucial task in Poland and globally, because the love for one’s country should mean care for every one of its citizens, not hatred for those who are different. This challenge is not only political, but truly existential. Demonstrating that the love for the homeland means care for every one of its inhabitants is essential. Only then will November 11 cease to be a Day of Divisions for Poles, and become a genuine Independence Day – a day of independence, solidarity, and equality.
Follow the comments:
|
