For women, democracy has still not reached all of Europe

A democracy without women is no longer an imperfect democracy - it is not a democracy at all.

Elisabeth Sledziewski

Serbia, Bulgaria, and Romania were consolidated after the First World War, all experiencing communist regimes following the Second World War, and, after 1989, embarking on a transition to democracy. These neighbouring states have been profoundly influenced by Orthodox traditions and share historical, cultural, and religious similarities, including traditional perceptions of gender roles.

The differences in the evolution of women’s rights to vote and to be elected to decision-making bodies are all the more striking given these similarities. They highlight the crucial importance of institutional frameworks designed to effectively guarantee gender equality, ensuring it does not remain merely an abstract legislative principle.

The evolutionary stages undergone in the sphere of women’s electoral rights here provide an appropriate framework for studying the relationship between the principle of equality enshrined in law, socio-political transformations, and the effective functioning of institutions.

Early electoral participation and a gradual inclusion

The first direct participation of women in the electoral process preceded the constitutional recognition of equal suffrage in all three Balkan states. In most cases, these early forms of participation resulted from exceptional circumstances or were limited to local elections. The end of the First World War marked a turning point, leading to territorial reconfigurations and a redefinition of citizenship.

In this context, women’s political rights gained visibility, with legislative initiatives emerging across all three countries. However, electoral rights were granted gradually and often under restrictive conditions. During the Balkan Wars and the First World War, women expanded their roles beyond the domestic sphere, contributing both at the front lines and on the home front. Pre-war feminist movements, led by figures such as Draga Ljočić Milošević, Sofia Nădejde, and Dimitrana Ivanova, also played a significant role. Through their contributions, women demonstrated their entitlement to equal rights and obligations.

One of the earliest instances of female electoral participation occurred during the Great National Assembly in Novi Sad on 25 November 1918, where deputies elected at the municipal level, without gender distinction, voted on the union of Vojvodina with the Kingdom of Serbia. In Romania, the 1923 Constitution did not grant electoral rights to women, despite support from regional assemblies. Electoral Law no. 167/1929 later introduced limited suffrage, allowing women to vote and stand in local elections under stricter conditions than men.

In the 1930 elections, women were elected as mayors, deputy mayors, and councillors, although their representation remained low. Authoritarian developments in the late interwar period imposed further limitations. In Romania, King Carol II’s regime restricted political life, while in Bulgaria, suffrage was introduced gradually, first for married mothers in local elections (1937), then extended to broader categories in parliamentary elections (1938).

From legal equality to the democratic transition

A fundamental shift occurred after the Second World War with the establishment of communist regimes. Constitutions adopted in Yugoslavia (1946), Bulgaria (1947), and Romania (1948) introduced universal and equal suffrage, explicitly guaranteeing gender equality. Women entered political institutions in greater numbers, and figures such as Mitra Mitrović, Tsola Dragoycheva, and Florica Bagdasar became pioneers in government roles.

Despite the formal guarantees introduced under communist regimes, the absence of political pluralism limited the full expression of democratic participation. However, the legal codification of gender equality marked a significant structural advancement. The transition to democracy after 1989 reopened the question of how to transform formal equality into effective representation. Serbia adopted an interventionist approach, introducing mandatory gender quotas, while Bulgaria implemented supportive policies. Romania, by contrast, relied largely on non-interventionist measures, leaving quota decisions to political parties.

All three countries enshrine gender equality in their constitutions. The Romanian Constitution (1991, revised 2003) guarantees equality and equal access to public office. The Bulgarian Constitution (1991, amended 2024) affirms non-discrimination and universal suffrage, complemented by Law no. 33/2016 on gender equality. Serbia’s 2006 Constitution guarantees equality and equal voting rights, reinforced by Law no. 14/2022 requiring at least 40% representation of the underrepresented gender on electoral lists.

Representation, but with major disparities

Despite these legal frameworks, disparities in representation persist. Women account for only 14% of local officials in Romania, with just 7% of mayors being female. Bulgaria records approximately 20% female local representation, while Serbia reaches 38%. At the national level, women represent 22% of parliamentarians in Romania, compared to 27% in Bulgaria and 39% in Serbia. At the European level, Romania ranked last in the 9th European Parliament legislature, with only 15% women MEPs. Following the 2024 elections, Bulgaria reached 24%, while Romania stood at 18%.

The political sphere has historically been dominated by men, and the exclusion of women from decision-making weakens democratic principles. Women’s participation is a sine qua non condition for achieving genuine gender equality and shaping inclusive public policies. This analysis highlights the decisive role of institutional frameworks. Voluntary measures often prove insufficient, while mandatory gender quotas, such as those implemented in Serbia, have demonstrably increased women’s political representation.

Legal recognition alone does not guarantee equal opportunities; targeted measures are required to address persistent inequalities. From a feminist federalist perspective, the continued under-representation of women in European decision-making bodies reflects the structural limits of fragmented national approaches.

While national policies remain necessary, their effectiveness varies depending on political will, cultural factors, and institutional design. Within a European federation, a coherent constitutional framework could transform gender equality from a declarative principle into a binding rule, ensuring a uniform minimum standard of political representation.

Federalism is the future for women

Mechanisms such as gender quotas, zipper lists, and parity rules could be embedded at the supranational level, supported by oversight institutions capable of enforcing compliance. Such a model would reduce disparities caused by national resistance or inertia while promoting cooperation, policy exchange, and best practices among member states.

It would strengthen the legitimacy of the European project by treating women’s representation as a fundamental democratic criterion rather than a secondary national issue. By promoting shared sovereignty, decentralisation, and participatory democracy, feminist federalist approaches aim to address historical exclusions and ensure meaningful inclusion.

A European federation would not erase local identities but would provide a framework in which equal political participation is guaranteed across all levels of governance. Ultimately, increasing women’s representation in politics is not merely a policy objective but a democratic necessity. Ensuring that women’s voices are present in decision-making bodies is essential for building a more inclusive, legitimate, and resilient political system.